title: When does a system become phonological? Handshape production in gesturers, signers, and homesigners.
abstract: Sign languages display remarkable crosslinguistic consistencies in the use of handshapes. In particular, handshapes used in classifier predicates display a consistent pattern infinger complexity: classifier handshapes representingobjectsdisplay more finger complexity than those representing how objects arehandled. Here we explore the conditions under which this morphophonological phenomenon arises. In Study 1, we ask whether hearing individuals in Italy and the United States, asked to communicate using only their hands, show the same pattern of finger complexity found in the classifier handshapes of two sign languages: Italian Sign Language (LIS) and American Sign Language (ASL). We find that they do not: gesturers display more finger complexity inhandlinghandshapes than inobjecthandshapes. The morphophonological pattern found in conventional sign languages is therefore not a codified version of the pattern invented by hearing individuals on the spot. In Study 2, we ask whether continued use of gesture as a primary communication system results in a pattern that is more similar to the morphophonological pattern found in conventional sign languages or to the pattern found in gesturers.Homesignershave not acquired a signed or spoken language and instead use a self-generated gesture system to communicate with their hearing family members and friends. We find that homesigners pattern more like signers than like gesturers: their finger complexity inobjecthandshapes is higher than that of gesturers (indeed as high as signers); and their finger complexity inhandlinghandshapes is lower than that of gesturers (but not quite as low as signers). Generally, our findings indicate two markers of the phonologization of handshape in sign languages: increasing finger complexity inobjecthandshapes, and decreasing finger complexity inhandlinghandshapes. These first indicators of phonology appear to be present in individuals developing a gesture system without benefit of a linguistic community. Finally, we propose that iconicity, morphology and phonology each play an important role in the system of sign language classifiers to create the earliest markers of phonology at the morphophonological interface.
authors.affiliation: Department of Linguistics, University of Chicago, 1010 East 59th Street, Chicago, IL 60637-1512, USA.
authors.forename: Diane
authors.initials: D
authors.lastname: Brentari
authors.forename: Marie
authors.initials: M
authors.lastname: Coppola
authors.forename: Laura
authors.initials: L
authors.lastname: Mazzoni
authors.forename: Susan
authors.initials: S
authors.lastname: Goldin-Meadow
keywords: Sign language; classifier predicates; gesture; handshape; historical change; homesign; language evolution; morphology; phonology